Bibliography
Fredrik Otto
Lindeman s. xx–xxi
2011
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2010
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2008
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2007
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2006
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2004
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1999
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1998
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1997
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1996
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1995
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1994
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Lindeman, Fredrik Otto, “Cornique wharfos et moyen breton hoaruout : note étymologique”, Études Celtiques 30 (1994): 211–212.
abstract:
[FR] L'auteur se propose d'expliquer le comique wharfos et le moyen breton hoaruout à partir d'un celtique commun *su+ari+butá «arriver» dont la structure morphologique est comparable à celle rencontrée dans *to+ari+butá «arriver» (gall, d-ar-fod : *su-, ainsi que *to-, refléterait une particule syntactique héritée.
[EN] Cornish wharfos and Middle-Breton hoaruout, an etymological note.
The author proposes to see in Cornish wharfos and Middle Breton hoaruout to happen’ a Celtic compound *su+ari+butd arriver the morphological structure of which corresponds to that of *to+ari+buta to happen’ (W. d-ar-fod) : *su-, like *to-, goes back to an inherited syntactic particle.
[EN] Cornish wharfos and Middle-Breton hoaruout, an etymological note.
The author proposes to see in Cornish wharfos and Middle Breton hoaruout to happen’ a Celtic compound *su+ari+butd arriver the morphological structure of which corresponds to that of *to+ari+buta to happen’ (W. d-ar-fod) : *su-, like *to-, goes back to an inherited syntactic particle.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 30, 1994: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L'auteur se propose d'expliquer le comique wharfos et le moyen breton hoaruout à partir d'un celtique commun *su+ari+butá «arriver» dont la structure morphologique est comparable à celle rencontrée dans *to+ari+butá «arriver» (gall, d-ar-fod : *su-, ainsi que *to-, refléterait une particule syntactique héritée.
[EN] Cornish wharfos and Middle-Breton hoaruout, an etymological note.
The author proposes to see in Cornish wharfos and Middle Breton hoaruout to happen’ a Celtic compound *su+ari+butd arriver the morphological structure of which corresponds to that of *to+ari+buta to happen’ (W. d-ar-fod) : *su-, like *to-, goes back to an inherited syntactic particle.
[EN] Cornish wharfos and Middle-Breton hoaruout, an etymological note.
The author proposes to see in Cornish wharfos and Middle Breton hoaruout to happen’ a Celtic compound *su+ari+butd arriver the morphological structure of which corresponds to that of *to+ari+buta to happen’ (W. d-ar-fod) : *su-, like *to-, goes back to an inherited syntactic particle.
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1993
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1992
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Lindeman, Fredrik Otto, “L’accent indo-européen et le verbe celtique”, Études Celtiques 29 (1992): 43–50.
abstract:
{FR] Selon une hypothèse récente de John T. Koch (1987) un certain nombre des traits particuliers caractérisant le verbe composé du vieil-irlandais et du britannique s’expliqueraient en supposant que l’accent ‘dynamique’ du proto-celtique ait remplacé un accent plus ancien, pré-celtique, du type ‘musical’ plus ou moins identique à celui que nous atteste le védique. L’auteur discute des problèmes de méthode que posent les diverses suppositions qui constituent la base de cette hypothèse ‘prosodique’.
[EN] Indo-European stress and Celtic compound verbs : some methodological considerations.
According to a recent hypothesis by John T. Koch (1987), some of the peculiar features of the compound verbs in Old Irish and Brittonic could be explained by supposing that a Proto-Celtic ‘dynamic’ stress has replaced an older Pre-Celtic stress, of the musical type more or less identical with what is attested in Vedic. The author discusses the methodological problems involved in the different assumptions which are the basis of this ‘prosodic’ hypothesis.
[EN] Indo-European stress and Celtic compound verbs : some methodological considerations.
According to a recent hypothesis by John T. Koch (1987), some of the peculiar features of the compound verbs in Old Irish and Brittonic could be explained by supposing that a Proto-Celtic ‘dynamic’ stress has replaced an older Pre-Celtic stress, of the musical type more or less identical with what is attested in Vedic. The author discusses the methodological problems involved in the different assumptions which are the basis of this ‘prosodic’ hypothesis.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 29, 1992: <link>
abstract:
{FR] Selon une hypothèse récente de John T. Koch (1987) un certain nombre des traits particuliers caractérisant le verbe composé du vieil-irlandais et du britannique s’expliqueraient en supposant que l’accent ‘dynamique’ du proto-celtique ait remplacé un accent plus ancien, pré-celtique, du type ‘musical’ plus ou moins identique à celui que nous atteste le védique. L’auteur discute des problèmes de méthode que posent les diverses suppositions qui constituent la base de cette hypothèse ‘prosodique’.
[EN] Indo-European stress and Celtic compound verbs : some methodological considerations.
According to a recent hypothesis by John T. Koch (1987), some of the peculiar features of the compound verbs in Old Irish and Brittonic could be explained by supposing that a Proto-Celtic ‘dynamic’ stress has replaced an older Pre-Celtic stress, of the musical type more or less identical with what is attested in Vedic. The author discusses the methodological problems involved in the different assumptions which are the basis of this ‘prosodic’ hypothesis.
[EN] Indo-European stress and Celtic compound verbs : some methodological considerations.
According to a recent hypothesis by John T. Koch (1987), some of the peculiar features of the compound verbs in Old Irish and Brittonic could be explained by supposing that a Proto-Celtic ‘dynamic’ stress has replaced an older Pre-Celtic stress, of the musical type more or less identical with what is attested in Vedic. The author discusses the methodological problems involved in the different assumptions which are the basis of this ‘prosodic’ hypothesis.
1991
1990
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1989
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1988
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1985
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1984
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1979
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Lindeman, Fredrik Otto, “Vieil irlandais téit, -tét”, Études Celtiques 16 (1979): 195–196.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 16, 1979: <link>
1977
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1975
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